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Anthony McIntyre ☠ answers several question put by a person with serious and authentic concerns about the standoff on Garvaghy Road

Q: I am struck by how nationalism and unionism are apparently so strongly talking past each other this week on Drumcree.

AM: It sort of confirms Paul Bew's post-GFA statement that sectarianism had not been transcended but institutionalised. There is so much animosity between the DUP and SF that it is hard to characterise the Executive as Power Sharing and easy to characterise it as Power Splitting. Sharing is being magnanimous, splitting is being parsimonious. It is zero sum politics.

Q: Nationalists are horrified by the organs of the state attempting to direct an Orange parade down the Garvaghy Road.

AM: Rightly so. Given the history, the psychological trauma indelibly ingrained in the collective Garvaghy Road psyche, who but the most insensitive bigot would insist on pushing an Orange march down Garvaghy Road, and why would a British state want to see it go down? Imagine what it would do for PSNI recruitment from the Nationalist community if the force accedes to the DUP demand to clear the protestors off the road. The Orange have an alternative route where they are welcome.

Q: The concerns of each side appear to register at zero with each other.

AM:  The Garvaghy Road residents have a concern not to be subjected to a sectarian hate march. The Orange has a concern to have a sectarian hate march. Both concerns are real. But a hatred of sectarian bigotry is on a different moral plateau to a hateful sectarian bigotry. By that standard the concern of the residents is the more authentic of the two.

If the DUP is serious about the need to respect the rule of law I would expect to hear calls from its leadership, Robinson, Lockhart et al, for Netanyahu to be arrested and to be handed over to the International Criminal Court. Demanding that Michelle O'Neill obey British law while supporting Netanyahu breaching international law is only going to land one way with nationalists.

Q: Do you think both sides are deliberately not hearing the other in order to try and capture the narrative and public square?

AM:  Both sides do hear each other but remain implacably opposed to what they hear.

Q: Also - nationalists on the Garvaghy Road said they are in immense fear of the parade on the Garvaghy Road.

AM:  If 35 elderly Orangemen dressed like normal people and walked down Garvaghy Road like normal citizens no one would notice. Once the Orange is raised given the road's history, it transforms the psyche.

I, as an elderly republican could assert some imaginary right to go to Frizzell's fish shop on the Shankill accompanied by 34 former blanketmen of similar age, to lay a wreath for Thomas Begley because he died there, and insist it is traditional for republicans to remember their dead. The people of the Shankill would regard it as an abomination. The thing is - I too would regard it as an abomination and would never seek to do it.

Q: But clearly 35 elderly Orangemen at 8am on a Sunday are not going to cause any trouble.

AM: I could argue the same about Frizzell's. Psychology is a huge element in power politics and is used as a weapon. It is the contempt for the community that makes this such a psychologically visceral issue for the residents.

Q: So as Stephen Nolan asked yesterday, are they not actually registering fear of what happened decades ago, rather than registering fear about what is actually on the table in 2026?

AM: I feel Stephen Nolan has persistently inflamed rather than informed so I pay no attention to what he says about anything. If you are asking the question then of course I will answer: what is on the table in 2026 is a sectarian hate march. In all walks of life we tend to take the view of let well alone; if it is not broken, don't try to fix it. Nothing in 28 years and now we have this.

Q: Do you still think this will not reignite the Troubles?

AM: While it has reignited simmering tensions that have never evaporated, I still believe it will not reignite the troubles in so far as there will be no IRA campaign resumption. Hopefully loyalism will not see any benefit to plunging Northern society back into that hell. The place is a political quagmire but nothing is to be gained by turning it into a fire pit.

Q: Might SF walk away from Stormont?

AM: SF's investment in Stormont has not yielded a good return. But the mood of nationalist Ireland is with the party on the Garvaghy Road issue so I imagine SF would want to read the room before deciding to jump. SF will probably think about how nationalist Ireland perceives Stormont rather than just thinking about how SF perceives it. At the moment I do not see an appetite throughout nationalist Ireland for SF to collapse the Executive. I do think however, it would suit SF to have the DUP collapse it.

Q: Maria Cahill has asked:

Why is IRA man Martin Duckser Lynch, who hails from West Belfast, directing the protesters at Garvaghy? What does First Minister Michelle O'Neill think of this? This is a question that the media should be asking. They won't. He comes in here after Brendan Mac Cionnaith says that they're not going to let "those fuckers down."

AM: Martin Lynch is a seasoned activist with organisational experience. He was the IRA leader in the H Blocks at a time when the prison was still quite turbulent and he managed it quite well. If I am correct, he would have been in the H Blocks at the same time as Breandan Mac Cionnaith. Link that to the instinctive sympathy across nationalist Ireland for the residents of Garvaghy Road and you have the beginning of an answer as to why he was there.

It is natural for former republican prisoners to have a keen interest in these types of events given their own history of resistance. They have always been to the fore of pushing back against intrusion by the Orange Order.

I can see no reason why Michelle O'Neill would object to his presence. He was one of many former blanket men and former republican prisoners to assemble against what many nationalists see as a hate march.

A former blanket man and hunger striker, Pat Sheehan stood up in the Stormont Assembly and challenged the DUP with the assertion that it had surrendered the leadership of unionism to Jamie Bryson.

I suspect that Michelle O'Neill would see little difference between Martin Lynch on Garvaghy Road and Pat Sheehan in the Stormont chamber - a joint enterprise where each puts their shoulder to different parts of the same wheel rolling back Orange intrusion on the Garvaghy Road.

⏩Follow on Bluesky.

A Hatred Of Sectarian Bigotry Is On A Different Moral Plateau To A Hateful Sectarian Bigotry

People And Nature ☭ Written by Simon Pirani... Republished from the Ecologist, with thanks.


Skyrocketing charges for heating and hot water from council heat networks in Lambeth, south London, are to be challenged at a judicial review by two tenants.

Kirsty Oliveira’s heating charges rose four-fold in 2022-23, and Aida Haile’s more than doubled.

Lambeth Tenants Heat Campaign Fuel Poverty Action and the London Tenants Federation are supporting Kirsty and Aida. Jeremy Ogilvie-Harris, a barrister at the Public Interest Law Centre, will represent them at the hearing on 1-2 December.

Fuel Poverty Action’s banner on a “tax the rich” demo, June 2025. Photo: FPA

When Richard Clayton KC, sitting as a deputy high court judge in June, gave the go-ahead for the judicial review, he said the claim raises “wider issues and points of law of general public importance”.

The case highlights the scandal of extortionate charges, poor customer service, waste, inefficiency and breakdowns faced by up to 900,000 British households that rely on heat networks.

Buildings served by the networks have heat and/or hot water piped to them from a centralised boiler, and no gas boiler of their own. Such networks commonly serve whole neighbourhoods, and even whole cities, across Europe.

Heat networks have big potential for helping to tackle climate change. They can take in heat from underground, from rivers or disused coal mines, or heat that is currently dumped into the atmosphere, e.g. from power stations or industrial processes. They can be integrated with large-scale heat storage, and adapted to switch to cooling in hot weather.

As part of its Warm Homes Plan, the government wants to more than double heat network annual output, from 12.4 terawatts (TWh) to 27 TWh, by 2035.

But poor service and underinvestment has to be tackled, campaigners say, otherwise expanding heat networks will multiply problems, not solve them.

The first step must be to ensure that existing networks deliver a service no more expensive, and no less reliable, than gas boilers and electricity, consumer advocates argue.

Kirsty and Aida’s case against Lambeth highlights the lack of choice for council tenants on heat networks. They are obliged to buy hot water and heating, whatever the price – which is unregulated, unlike gas and electricity prices – and can not install their own boiler or heat pump, or switch providers.

Neither Kirsty or Aida, nor thousands of others, have meters for heating and hot water. Government rules requiring that they are installed have not been followed. Using less, or even no, heat makes no difference to the bill.

Kirsty and Aida are both secure tenants, who have been allocated social housing through the council’s duties regarding homelessness. So they had little choice about where to live. But, because welfare benefits do not cover heating and hot water, after the 2023 price hike Kirsty faced a monthly shortfall of about £350. For Aida it was about £300.

Both women face a risk of eviction, and are unable to leave their homes as they would then be declared “intentionally homeless”.

They are asking the judicial review to rule that their tenancy agreements are “unfair and unenforceable”, and that Lambeth council pay damages.

Kirsty Oliveira said in an interview: “Lambeth as whole, both elected councillors and officials, have been a big disappointment.

“We went to councillors’ surgeries, sent them letters and emails, and arranged meetings with them. They told us ‘no-one will get evicted’, but refused our requests to put that in writing.

“We have asked why the heat charges are bundled in with the rent. This is unfair, and it’s not transparent. We don’t have a choice: we can not even save money by turning it off.”

Sam Tippet of the Public Interest Law Centre said: “This case is vital for social housing tenants on heat networks across the country. Without proper price protection, working class tenants are being burdened with exorbitant costs and pushed into unmanageable debts.”

Why things are so bad

The problems Kirsty and Aida have faced – steep price increases, lack of flexibility, and poor service – are all too common. Until January this year, heat networks were exempt from oversight by Ofgem, the government’s energy regulator, and that made matters worse.

Ofgem can hold electricity suppliers and generators to legal standards, and has since 2018 imposed price caps on gas and electricity – but not on network heat.

Finally, after years of pressure from Citizens Advice, the Competitions and Markets Authority and others, the government empowered Ofgem to monitor heat networks, starting in January this year. But consumer advocates say Ofgem does not have the teeth needed to do the job.

Stephen Knight of Heat Trust said in an interview: “Heat networks are the obvious way to decarbonise urban heating at scale. But we have to change the existing consumer experience. It is not good enough, and not reliable enough.”

The first priority should be technical standards, Knight argues. These exist in draft form, but will not come into force until next year, with the slowdown due in part to “heavy lobbying” by the heat network industry.

Second, Ofgem “doesn’t have the tools in its toolbox to control prices”, Knight warned. Heat networks are typically operated by landlords, who buy fuel on the wholesale market, unprotected by energy price caps, and pass on the costs to consumers. Others along the supply chain, such as companies doing maintenance, procurement, or metering and billing services, profit.

Heat networks that don’t heat

Tenants on the Wyndham, Brandon 2 and Brandon 3 estates in Southwark, the borough next door to Lambeth – served by a heat network – know all about the need for technical standards.

Fury over constant heating and hot water outages, damp, mould, overheating and delayed or cancelled repairs brought 60 of them together at a recent public meeting to launch the Wyndham Heat Network Action Group. They are calling on Southwark council to work with a resident-led board to oversee repairs and monitor progress.

The group works with the health charity Medact, and is building links with other community bodies, and collecting and coordinating information about impacts on residents.

At the public meeting, Dr Laura-Jane Smith, a respiratory consultant at King’s College Hospital, said homes had been “severely neglected” by landlords, housing associations and councils.

People bring pictures of damp patches and black mould to Smith’s clinic, and “tell me about how it’s completely unbearably hot in summer, freezing in winter. They cough, they wheeze, they can’t breathe.”

One of the action group coordinators, Suzy Murray, said in an interview: “The network is old and we are dealing with the consequences of decades of neglect. Some tenants go for months without heating and hot water. Others suffer extreme overheating.

“Three or four years ago, I was not on a heat network, and I was paying £60 a month for electricity, hot water and heat. Now I am paying £150. Heat network users are not protected by Ofgem’s price caps, and the standard of service is shocking.”

Contractors employed by the council to do repairs are a particular problem, Murray said. They frequently botch repairs and fail to keep appointments.

In June the government completed a consultation on how to spend money from its Warm Homes Fund. The Heat Trust urged “investment in heat network remediation works, to address the shocking levels of heat loss, low efficiency and poor reliability on many existing networks”.

Copenhagen is served almost entirely by district heating. Photo: Energy Saving Trust

Stephen Knight of Heat Trust added that many heat networks, even recently built ones, are technically inefficient. Some energy content is inevitably lost in processing and transportation, but these losses are up to twice as high as they need be, so that little more than one third of the energy consumed reaches users as heat.

Prices and billing

Heat networks could and should provide heat and hot water, cheap or free, as a public service. But because the sector is in private hands, and regulation is toothless and late to arrive, they are a financial burden on users.

🔴Heat network prices are just too high. Heat Trust estimated last year that many network customers pay double the price at which households can produce heat from a gas boiler (15p/kWh versus 7.5p/kWh);

🔴More than one third of heat network customers – households with an estimated 350,000-plus people – have their heat bills “bundled” with rent and service charges, as Kirsty Oliveira and Aida Haile in Lambeth have. If they fall behind with payments to landlords or managing agents, they are vulnerable to eviction – and more than 1.2 million people in England and Wales could end up in this situation, if government plans to expand networks go ahead and the rules are not changed, Citizens Advice warns.

🔴 Deceptive and untransparent billing practices are rife. More than half of heat network users do not have their own meter, and, again like Kirsty and Aida, are charged a flat fee whether they use heating and hot water or not. The regulated system introduced this year provides for a transition to meters, but it is long and slow: retrofitting meters have “high costs” and unmetered customers will “wait a long time” to benefit, Citizens Advice says.

🔴 A host of other dodgy practices – retrospective tariff increases, unexplained charges, unaffordable repayment plans, awful customer service – can now be challenged via the regulator, but cynical providers retain the whip hand over vulnerable users, campaigners warn.

Ruth London of Fuel Poverty Action (FPA) said that people who move to homes supplied by heat networks are told it will save money, and be good for the climate. “Instead, too many find the costs are far more than other households pay, and they can’t even save by switching supplier.”

The injustice is “jaw-dropping”, and “made worse when the system is so inefficient that it isn’t really even ‘green’”, she said.

How things can change

The government’s plans to expand heat networks are part of a broader initiative, the Warm Homes Plan, that also provides for installing heat pumps, and retrofitting poorly insulated homes – and claims to right energy injustices and support decarbonisation.

But housing activists, energy researchers and others have warned that the proposals make little to no attempt to deal with the deep-going causes: decades of attacks on the public sector, the privatisation-driven housing crisis and the chronic condition of the construction sector.

It is not only heat network users who suffer “outrages at the hands of profiteering businesses and uncaring bureaucracies”, but also households with heat pumps or insulation retrofits, Ruth London pointed out. “Many more can’t afford the good quality tech that is cutting bills for the wealthy.”

The FPA has also challenged the proposals for “zoning” that are central to the government’s approach to heat networks – but that, if focused on handing the initiative to private companies, could make matters worse.

FPA’s Make Green Fair campaign aims to “ensure that everyone can access low carbon technologies that actually benefit their users”, Ruth London said.

A challenge for all campaigners is to take an integrated view of the problems: the broken housing market that underlies the misery of poor-quality accommodation for millions of people; the destruction of local government provision such as direct labour organisations; and the corporate stranglehold on electricity generation and supply.

The principles of public provision; of warmth and electricity as rights not consumer goods; and of measures to decarbonise that both help tackle climate change and make our lives better can unite powerful alliances to challenge the government’s policy that puts change in the hands of capital and thereby risks failure.

🔴 How to make our homes warmer and better, while tackling climate change, will be discussed at the Make Green Fair 2026 conference on Saturday 19 September, 10.0am to 5.0pm, in Manchester. Kirsty Oliveira will be among the speakers at the event, which is organised by Fuel Poverty Action.

The event will aim to answer the questions: “How do we fight for a clean energy system that’s fairer than the dirty fossil fueled one it replaces? How do we make sure home retrofits, insulation, heat pumps etc actually bring bills down and make our homes warm and healthy?”

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Judicial Review Challenge To Extortionate Heat Network Charges

Dr John Coulter ✍ The suspected terror incident at the RAF’s Fairford base in south western England has raised alarming questions as to how the UK should deal with any future potential Iranian threats.

Perhaps the time has finally come for the Labour administration at Westminster to forget its snowflake attitude towards Iran and throw its weight 100 per cent politically and militarily behind Donald Trump’s campaign against Iran.

Put bluntly, is Downing Street going to wait until suspected Iranian terrorists carry out either a suicide bombing or even unleash an Omagh-style no-warning massacre before it gives the green light to the round-up of terror suspects?

Because The United States is specifically using RAF Fairford as a base for American bombers to attack Iran, the militant Islamic regime in Iran in turn has threatened to carry out attacks in the UK.

Warfare now in the 21st century is roughly divided into three main types. Firstly, nuclear warfare, which would be devastating for the globe as a whole as no one seriously wants to press the red buttons.

Secondly, conventional warfare, which is more commonly known as ‘boots on the ground’ as witnessed by both the old Soviet Union and the Allied Coalition in Afghanistan.

Thirdly, hybrid warfare, which blurs the lines between actual conflict and what is seen as a peace process. Again, put bluntly, this is just a fancy term for good, old fashioned terrorism.

This could also include cyber terrorism and security alerts which disrupt civilian life. Iran certainly would not dare the first type - nuclear, although could terrorists be capable of setting off a so-called ‘dirty bomb’ or is that the stuff of Hollywood film fiction?

Secondly, obviously given the geographical distance between the United Kingdom and Iran, there would be no way actual Iranian Revolutionary Guards would indulge in a uniformed attack in the UK.

This leaves the more obvious method - hybrid, or terrorism, as witnessed with the incident at the RAF base. The real danger is that a cell of radicalised terrorists now exists in mainland Britain, seeking to carry out - as Trump put its - ‘serious damage’ to several potential military, political or civilian targets in mainland Britain.

As well as a suicide bomber cell, there is also the threat posed by a so-called ‘lone wolf’ terrorist along the lines of the Far Right activist Anders Brevik who killed 77 people in bomb and gun attacks in Norway in July 2011.

The key question which must be answered by the British intelligence community is - how do potential terrorists enter the UK?

Are we talking about so-called ‘sleeper’ cells that have been in the country for months, even years, before they are activated, or have they sneaked into the UK under the cover of the small boat crisis which has seen thousands of illegal asylum seekers and migrants cross the English Channel from France in recent years.

British PM Andy Burnham has already publicly recognised the potential threat from Iran because of the UK allowing the US to use English bases. But he still has to clearly address the issue of what the UK can realistically do to combat any terrorist threat from Iran.

A starting point can be to radically slash the foreign aid budget and divert that money into boosting the intelligence services and especially surveillance of potential terrorists either already in the UK or planning to enter the UK.

Given the number of illegal migrants who have already entered the UK, perhaps a more radical solution is needed, namely the introduction of the controversial method of selective internment.

However, the scheme does not have a good reputation as when it was introduced in Northern Ireland during the early Troubles in the Seventies, it was based on false or outdated information and only served to boost the IRA, not hinder it.

Hopefully, given the advances in intelligence gathering since that 1970s fiasco, potential suspects can be rounded up and held in the British equivalent of the former American base - Camp X Ray - at Guantanamo Bay.

From an intelligence point of view, the British and US authorities need to determine if the RAF Fairford incident could be firm evidence of Iran developing a so-called Triple Alliance of Terror. Iran already supports Hezbollah in Lebanon and Hamas in Gaza. Could the third part be a similar IRA-style movement in the UK?

Could the purpose of any potential terror campaign in the UK be Iran trying to drive a political wedge between Westminster and the White House? If Iran is too sceptical about attacking the US directly in retaliation for American air strikes on Iran, Plan B would be to launch terrorist attacks against those nations which either allow the US to use its air bases, or allow US bombers to enter their air space en route to bombing targets in Iran?

The situation which the UK specifically and NATO in general finds itself in is that since the end of the formal Cold War with the old communist Soviet Union, there has been a ‘dumbing down’ of the British security forces in terms of training, human and physical resources, and especially budget cuts.

Has this in turn fuelled the development of hybrid war whereby the so-called nuclear super powers get ‘puppet’ organisations in other nations to do their work for them? Put bluntly, any Iranian activity in the UK would be met with quiet support in the other Triple Alliance of Russia, China and North Korea.

In this case, we could see the UK sucked into a so-called proxy war by the back door by having to combat Iranian terror alerts on UK territory, thus diverting much-needed aid from Ukraine and NATO.

In this respect, potential Iranian terror cells would be copying the terror campaign of the Provisional IRA’s so-called ‘England Department’ which targeted places, people and the security forces in mainland Britain during the Troubles.

 
Follow Dr John Coulter on Twitter @JohnAHCoulter
Dr Coulter has been a journalist since 1978 and is currently a political commentator with GB News.

Time To Round Up All Iranian Terror Suspects

Lynx By Ten To The Power Of Two Thousand One Hundred And Thirteen

 

A Morning Thought @ 3284

Anthony McIntyre ☠ It is no great challenge to the imagination to entertain simultaneous thoughts that are wholly at odds with each other.

  • Willie McCrea - love thy neighbour
  • Donald Trump - strategic intellect
  • Gerry Adams - honesty
  • Orange Order - equality

It would be quite the irony, and a fitting one, were the Orange Order to see its life pronounced extinct on the hill of Drumcree, the coroner's verdict: death by suicide. The hilltop - from which it roared supremacist hatred while prioritising its right to march over the right to life of 21 people slain by those determined that the Orange would stomp its way through Garvaghy Road and trample over the residents who lived there - its final resting place, buried beneath a headstone engraved with a single sentence: here lies hate.

Not all members of the Orange Order are unalloyed bigots. Along with another former republican prisoner I once spoke in an Orange hall. The people there were most gracious and courteous. Their marches annoy no one nor are they intended to. It is impossible to see the late Brian Kennaway as anything other than a person who steadfastly refused to bear his Catholic neighbours as much as a slither of contempt. He certainly viewed those who wanted to push the hate marches down Garvaghy Road with unremitting disdain. Brian was not one of those Christians for whom there is no hatred like Christian love. The Irish Times said of him "he was loyal to the Orange tradition but highly critical of the Orange Order leadership."

Yet, people like Brian Kennaway apart, it seems undeniable that the Orange Order is institutionally bigoted and sectarian. It lacks the sway of yore but is still a hate institution, its influence a thing of the past, its hatred very much alive in the present. Its leadership has done nothing in 28 years to dissuade the Portadown District from lodging weekly applications with the Parades Commission to be allowed to perform the Hate Haka along the Garvaghy Road where it is detested by those who live there for its bigotry, coat trailing, triumphalism and supremacism. While the Orange, for understandable reasons, might value the tradition of marching, only a hate filled bigot would insist on stomping through the heart of a community that had endured so much suffering and loss of life due to Orange domination theology. The Orange Order might not have pulled the trigger, hurled the petrol bomb, placed the explosive device that ended 21 lives but the Spirit of Drumcree was present at the scene of the crime.

And it pretends not to understand why it is considered a plague. 

Many wonder what lies behind the Orange obsession with ostentatiously flaunting itself in areas where its presence is reviled. Kevin Haddick Flynn explained it best in his book on the institution. 

We are the masters here and you are Fenian scum - we will march where we wish and you are powerless to stop us … we are your superiors: we dare you to do something about it; if you don’t you confirm your own inferior status.

It didn't quite work out that way when last Sunday's planned hate march in Portadown was halted by community resistance and resilience, where the residents were not prepared to confirm their assigned inferiority, instead opting to go on the front foot against their self-styled superiors. 

Yes, the law has been disobeyed by the Garvaghy Road defenders. There is no shame in that, no reason to be apologetic or say sorry m'Lud. That is the very purpose of civil disobedience: facing down unjust laws and either taking the consequences or reaping the rewards for refusing to obey the law. The law was disobeyed in the spirit of Bobby Sands whose words helped exorcise the spirit of Drumcree with his admonition against 'systemised, institutionalised, decent law-abiding robots.' 

Not many of them on the Garvaghy Road. 

⏩Follow on Bluesky.


Hate Halted

Pádraig Drummond ✊ Well, apparently I have achieved the great political distinction of being Blocked by the National Party, or, as I prefer to call them, the Naz*list Party, for the heinous crime of pointing out something they apparently found unbearable, that their politics have rather more in common with the Orange Order than with the people of Garvaghy Road.

And what a beautiful little circus this is. There I was, merely pointing out the awkward similarities, the nationalism, the racism, the religious bigotry and the curious habit of treating an Irish identity as though it comes with a membership card, a blood test and a list of people who are sufficiently Irish to be admitted. Then click locked, the modern political equivalent of putting your fingers in your ears and screaming, “I Can't Hear You!” while running away from the evidence.

What makes the whole performance particularly absurd is watching self-appointed patriots suddenly discover Garvaghy Road whenever there is an opportunity to climb aboard its coat-tails. The people who actually live there, organise there and have carried the weight of that struggle do not need lectures from Johnny-come-lately nationalists with a suspiciously well-developed hatred of immigrants.

Garvaghy Road is not a stage for every opportunist faction looking for a few photographs and some borrowed legitimacy. Its history belongs to the people who live there. And if your version of Irish nationalism is rooted in racism, religious bigotry and exclusion, then perhaps the uncomfortable truth is that you have more ideological furniture in common with the sectarian Orange tradition than with the republican tradition you claim to represent.

Blocking somebody doesn't make the argument disappear. It merely means you have decided that the safest place for an argument is somewhere you don't have to look at it.
 
Notice how the Naz* rats didn't have the balls to announce their presence on Garvaghy Road. Not a banner, not a party badge, not even a little commemorative sticker clinging desperately to a lamppost.

And there is good reason for this remarkable outbreak of political invisibility, they know their particular brand of nationalism wouldn't exactly receive the warm embrace they enjoy from the safety of a keyboard. The revolutionary vanguard, brave enough to shout through a Facebook account, but suddenly afflicted with an extraordinary case of stage fright when confronted with the actual people whose history they have been so eager to appropriate.

Fu*k The Naz*list Party, Fu*k The Orange Order, No pasarán!

⏩Pádraig Drummond is an anti-racism activist.

Blocked By The National Party

Atheist Ireland ★ The UN Human Rights Council is examining Ireland’s human rights record this year under the Universal Periodic Review. This includes the right to freedom of religion and belief.

28-August-2026

The pre-session meeting took place this week in Geneva. The full review date is 10 November. Here are Atheist Ireland’s recommendations in our submission to the process.

1. Discrimination: recognise philosophical beliefs

Amend the Equal Status Act to protect philosophical beliefs from discrimination in line with Article 18 of the ICCPR.

Reasons: Ireland’s anti-discrimination laws do not protect philosophical beliefs, and nothing material has changed since the last UPR review.

Article 40.1 of the Constitution states that all citizens shall be held equal before the law. However, Section 3-2(e) of the Equal Status Act 2000 defines the religion ground only by reference to religious belief or the absence of religious belief.

This does not expressly protect philosophical beliefs and is inconsistent with General Comment 22, which protects theistic, non-theistic and atheistic beliefs, as well as the right not to profess any religion or belief.

2. Discrimination: review equality laws

Amend the Equal Status and Employment Equality Acts to remove all forms of discrimination on the ground of religion.

Reasons: Section 7 of the Equal Status Act allows publicly funded second-level schools with a religious ethos to prefer co-religionists. They can also refuse access where they believe and can prove a child will undermine their ethos.

Since the introduction of the Education Admissions to Schools Act 2018 most primary-level schools can no longer give preference to co-religionists. We welcome this. However, they can still refuse access where they believe and can prove a child would undermine their ethos.

Section 37 of the Employment Equality Act obliges teachers in publicly-funded schools to uphold the ethos of the patron.

3. Discrimination: review solemnising of marriages

Remove all discrimination against secular bodies introduced in the Civil Registration Amendment Act 2012.

Reasons: Irish law discriminates in the solemnisation of marriages, purportedly to protect the institution of marriage.

Under section 3 of the Civil Registration Amendment Act, a body qualifies as a secular body only if it has at least 50 members, has been a charity for at least five years, does not promote a political cause, and has principal objects that are secular, ethical and humanist. None of these conditions applies to religious bodies.

A key restriction is that a secular body that solemnises marriages cannot promote a political cause. This means that the Humanist Association of Ireland, because it can nominate solemnisers, can no longer promote political causes such as reform of the Constitution, equality law, or the education system.

4. Discrimination: protect religious minority groups

Improve implementation of laws against discrimination for members of religious minority groups, particularly those with migrants and ethnic or racial minorities.

Reason: Articles 18, 26, and 27 of the ICCPR protect faith-based religious minorities through several overlapping guarantees. Articles 2 and 5 of CERD require the State to address overlapping racial or ethnic discrimination. Two such religious minorities in Ireland with migrant members are the Evangelical Alliance of Ireland and the Ahmadiyya Muslim Community of Ireland.

5. Freedom of religion or belief: remove religious oaths

Commit to holding a referendum to amend the Constitution to remove compulsory religious declarations for public office and replace them with a single neutral declaration compatible with freedom of thought, conscience, religion and belief.

Reason: Ireland’s Constitution requires religious oaths for the President, Judges, and members of the Council of State. These provisions discriminate against non-religious citizens, and against anyone whose conscience does not permit a religious declaration, by attaching religious conditions to public office.

6. Education: provide objective education and nondiscriminatory exemptions

Ensure that children and parents have real access to neutral and objective education, in accordance with General Comment 22 on Article 18 of the ICCPR, including through non-denominational schools and non-discriminatory exemptions from religious instruction/education.

Reasons: Ireland has not opened non-denominational secular schools or ensured access to neutral and objective curricula. It continues to ignore repeated concluding observations over the years from the UN and Council of Europe human rights bodies.

A Convention on Education has recently been established. However, no groups representing philosophical beliefs have been invited as stakeholders, despite longstanding UN concern about freedom of conscience, discrimination and equality in education.

Under Article 42.4 of the Constitution, the State ‘provides for’ rather than directly provides education. In practice, the State has chosen to do so through private patron bodies.

Boards of Management must uphold the ‘Characteristic Spirit’ (ethos) of the patron of the school. There are no non-denominational schools with a secular ethos. The ethos is not confined to the patron’s programme. It can permeate the entire curriculum.

At second level the State’s Religious Education course is not a neutral and objective course about religions and beliefs. Denominational schools may also integrate their own patron’s programme into that course and present it as suitable for all children.

The broader structure of the system was outlined by the European Court of Human Rights in Louise O’Keeffe v Ireland, where the Court held that the State could not avoid its Convention obligations by delegating them to private bodies or individuals.

Article 44.2.4 of the Constitution protects the right of a child to attend a publicly funded school without attending religious instruction. Section 30(2)(e) of the Education Act 1998 reflects this principle for all schools.

Section 62-7(n) of the Education Admissions to schools Act 2018 requires schools to state in their admissions policies the arrangements for not attending religious instruction.

However, the Minister leaves it up to each school to implement this legislation according to its own ethos. In practice, schools have refused to comply with this law and the State has ignored this issue. All of this results in the following discriminatory treatment:No access to a neutral and objective studying environment.

  • No inspection of patron’s religion or ethics programmes.
  • Our children are left sitting in the religion class as no supervision is provided.
  • No other subject is offered during this time and consequently our children get less teaching time because of our families’ conscientious objections.
  • At second level our children receive fewer exam points, as Religion is an exam subject.
  • Religion is integrated into the State curriculum.

Keep up with Atheist Ireland.

Freedom Of Belief Rights 🪶 The UN Is Reviewing Ireland’s Human Rights Record

Ukraine Solidarity Group ✊ A Digest of News from Ukrainian Sources ⚔  28-September-2026.

In this week’s bulletin

⬤ Who gets sent to war.
⬤ Will Russia go further? 
⬤ “Resist invasion or accept occupation.”
⬤ Research on human rights in Ukraine. 
⬤ Evidence of Russian torture. 
⬤ Oleshky under siege.
⬤ Russia’s abduction of Ukrainian children.
⬤ Russia’s rigged election.

News from the territories occupied by Russia

Russia upends the law for 12-year sentence against 62-year-old from occupied Luhansk oblast (Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group, September 25th)

Russian court upholds medical torture and likely death sentence against Crimean Tatar political prisoner (Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group, September 25th)

The Sixth Summit of the International Crimea Platform: Key Messages (Crimea Platform, Sep 24th)

Russia sentences four Melitopol men, one just 18 when abducted and tortured, to up to 28 years (Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group, September 24th)

Russian invaders sentence Mariupol man to 25 years (Kharkiv Human Rights Prot’n Group, 23 Sept)

Over 1,000 sexual crimes since Russia's full-scale invasion, including the rape of a 4-year-old, genital beatings and torture (Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group, September 22nd)

Weekly update on the situation in occupied Crimea (Crimea Platform, September 22nd)

The EU and Ukraine’s partner states have condemned Russia’s sham elections in the temporarily occupied territories (Crimea Platform, September 22nd)

Massive 18-year sentence in Russian copy-paste ‘trial’ of Ukrainian from occupied Kherson oblast (Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group, September 21st)

Progress of the war

The Realities of Russia’s Brutal War Against Ukraine and Europe (Russian Reader, September 26th)

Environmental Consequences of War, July-Aug (Ukraine War Environmental Consequences work group, 26 Sept)

Oleshky under siege: a city where people eat grass, hide bodies in a hospital basement and wait for an evacuation that never comes (Ukrainska Pravda, September 25th)

The consumer boom is over: Ukrainian drone strikes on Wildberries and Ozon mark the end of Russians’ spending spree (The Insider, September 22nd)

Before the war and now: shocking images of Ukrainian cities (Eastern Frontier Initiative, 27 August)

News from Ukraine

Journalist Maria Yizhvenko killed in Russian drone strike (Ukrainska Pravda, 26 Sept)

US allocates $27 million for return of kidnapped Ukrainian children (Kyiv Independent 25 Sept)

Bail that cannot be paid is not bail. Statement by human rights organisations (Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group, September 23rd)

Former Supreme Court deputy head faces corruption charges (Kyiv Independent, 23 Sept)

Improving Humane Conditions in Places of Detention by Strengthening the National Preventive System in Ukraine (Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group, September 18th)

Ukraine foreign minister: Ukraine should choose its heroes carefully (Ukrainska Pravda 17 Sept)

War-related news from Russia

Elections expert Alexander Kynev arrested (Meduza, 25 September)

Women in Prison: Serving Full Time (Posle.Media, September 23rd)

Cases of forced deployment are multiplying (Mediazona, 22 September)

About 60% of United Russia votes might be fabricated (iStories, 22 September)

Four years of ‘partial mobilisation’ (Mediazona, 21 September)

Comment and analysis

Will Russia go further and start a conventional war against another country? (Oksana Dutchak on facebook, 27 September)

“Resist invasion or accept occupation”: reply to Lindsey German of ‘Stop the War’ (Ukraine Solidarity Campaign, September 26th)

Russia’s rigged election gives Putin mandate for all-out war (Kyiv Independent, 22 Sept)

TUC Congress votes to reaffirm solidarity with Ukraine (Ukraine Solidarity Campaign, 21 September)

Who Gets Sent to War? (The Radical, September 21st)

It doesn’t have to be this way (Radical Dumpling, September 21st)

Research of human rights abuses

Report: human rights in Ukraine (Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group, September 26th)

ECtHR held a hearing on Russia’s abduction of ten Ukrainian children from occupied Crimea: ZMINA and other NGOs joined as third parties (Zmina, September 23rd)

Access to justice behind bars: Ukraine’s experience presented (Zmina, September 22nd)

Human rights defenders discuss cognitive occupation of Ukrainian territories in the framework of Crimea Days in Czechia (Zmina, September 22nd)

UN Commission points to human impact of Russia’s targeting of energy infrastructure, militarisation of education, and recruitment of foreign nationals (UN Human Rights, September 21st)

Also not to be missed

From Russia with ‘Russophobia’: propagandists pose as ‘angry Latvians’ (The Insider, 26 September)

The EU lifted sanctions on two billionaires, extended sanctions on others (Meduza, 25 September)

Empty streets and ‘dragon’s teeth’: Lithuania-Russia border (Eastern Frontier Initiative, 20 Sept)
🔴This bulletin is put together by labour movement activists in solidarity with Ukrainian resistance. More information at Ukraine Information Group.

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News From Ukraine 💣 Bulletin 214

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